
Within the SAD, the move will rejuvenate the younger elements while making the senior leaders and party jathedars squirm. The party's relationship with the BJP in the coming months will depend on the party's showing in the forthcoming Lok Sabha polls. Perhaps one of the possible reasons why the BJP Central leadership endorsed the change is the hope that this would free the senior Badal to campaign aggressively (and possibly contest the Bathinda or Ludhiana seats). With uncertainty looming large over the outcome in the Lok Sabha polls, the BJP leadership would be keen that the SAD not only field their best possible candidates but also spare no effort to get them elected. But, in the current scenario, handing over the Home portfolio to Sukhbir could be construed by the Opposition as an effort to elicit support of the Punjab Police by fair or foul means during elections. In fact, the SAD had during last polls leveled a similar charge against the previous government of Captain Amarinder Singh and his DGP, S.S. Virk. Will Badal Jr's vision for the state's development have a bearing on the forthcoming polls? It could in the long run but at this stage his ambitious plans are at a nascent stage. Besides, unless they are aimed at addressing the real issues concerning the people, they may not translate into votes.
As far as governance is concerned, the change is a half-way house. Since Sukhbir dynamic style of functioning is diametrically opposite of his father's measured way of working, the rank and file of officers will be hard pressed to do the balancing act. Punjab desperately needs a change in
governance. Systems must replace ad-hocism and ubiquitous and unbridled sifarish culture. Perhaps it would have been in the fitness of things if the roles between the two had been reversed – Sukhbir elevated to the post of Chief Minister and his father made the President of the Akali Dal. The
urban cadres could be assuaged by giving BJP the Deputy CM's post. This would have ensured a single chain of command with proper accountability, and a government of the people (and not of the family).
Moreover, was the elaborate celebratory tinge to the three-line oath ceremony function in Amritsar justifiable, especially when the state is reeling under financial bankruptcy and its progress graph is on the downward slide? Power shortages and daily cuts are a way of life, as are deaths stalking the roads. Countless agitations in the state make daily headlines in media. The state's youth, who once formed the sword arm of the country, are steeped in stupor of drugs and other intoxicants. The function surely made many happy, but the moot point is: what would have made the electoral subjects of all hues happy – a function steeped in simplicity or in extravagance? The diesel that fuelled the vehicles
carrying thousands to the rally could have been used to turn power turbines and the money squandered on the public function could have been used to help the cash-starved farmers or the poor.
But you might argue that celebrations are a part of politics. Did not the Democrats gather in style in Washington DC to usher in the era of Barack Obama as President of United States? True and even though comparisons can be odious, there are stark dissimilarities. Unlike Sukhbir and Omar Abdullah now and the likes of Rajiv Gandhi and Om Parkash Chautala earlier, Barack Obama is a first generation politician, who despite the absence of his father for most part of his life, defied all social and racial odds to make it to the top. Besides, since Obama happens to be leader of the richest and the most powerful country in the world, the celebrations during his oath-taking fall in place. Anyway, cutting costs is perhaps the least of the concerns and unfortunately, our brand of democracy is propelled by power play. But this may not last for long. Unless the priorities – both of the family and the state - are re-jigged, the people could in the final analysis end up thinking that they have been short-changed.
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